Media Framing And Construction Of Reality Media Essay

Media Framing And Construction Of Reality Media Essay Over the twentieth century, the dominant position among scholars was that media and journalism should be governed by the values of detachment and objectivity, and so they could be credible (Schudson, 1990 cited in Watkins, 2001: 83). Nevertheless, this notion has been challenged by the researchers of critical studies of news media who have developed the view that media are not passive mirrors of society (Gitlin, 2003: 49), but, on the contrary, they play active and significant role in the social construction of reality (Kruse, 2001: 68). In other words, media do not just report news, but they socially construct them, namely they give a specific meaning to these events (Kruse, 2001: 67-68). The theory of social constructionism, which supports that what we know about world and ourselves is the result of social processes (Cromby and Nightingale, 1999: 4 cited in Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 2), has affected media studies to a significant extent. In this context, plenty of scholars (Brodyn and Page, 1975; Kraus and Davis, 1976; McCombs, 1979 cited in Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 2) believe that media provide us with the mosaics from which we build our own perceptions and accordingly, they might have significant effects on public and society. According to McQuail (1994), the whole study of mass communication has been founded on the assertion that media have important effects. However, the concept of media effects was not always the same, as there were significant variations from period to period and among different scholars. Additionally, there are studies that did not identify any significant media effect at all (Kingdon, 1984; Pritchard and Berkowitz, 1993; Walker, 1977; Wanta and Foot e, 1994 cited in Walgrave et al. 2008: 817). The social construction of news is achieved through the development and employment of frames (Kruse, 2001: 68). Gamson and Modigliani (1987: 143) have defined the frame as a central theme, an organizing idea or a story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events, weaving a connection between them. As for the employment of frames by media, Entman (1993: 52) has stated that adopting certain frames means that media select some aspects of perceived reality and make them more salient, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and treatment recommendation for the item described. As far as protest coverage is concerned, the literature shows that when media portray demonstrations and other protest events, they indeed employ certain frames (Brasted, 2005). The types of frames that are used and the factors that determine and influence the selection of these frames are described below. As far as the effects of protest coverage are concerned, there are studies that demonstrate that media portrayal of protests has significant effects on audience (McLeod, 1995; McLeod and Detenber, 1999). According to these studies, different frames of protest stories and different levels of intensity with which they are presented are likely to affect how audience perceives protest issues. However, according to Detenber et al (2007), these effects are weaker when media cover more familiar to the audience issues, because of pre-existing knowledge of public. Affecting the perceptions of audience, media coverage of protests may have an influence on the success of the movement itself, a s well. For instance, a positive coverage may encourage the involvement of people, while a negative coverage may lead to opposite results and may undermine a social movement (Entman and Rojecki, 1993). However, certain conditions may be required so that media mobilize people. According to Walgrave and Manssens (2000), media are more likely to mobilize public, if they are not polarized and have high rates of trust among the audience. In addition, in cases of simple and non-political causes and goals, media can achieve peoples mobilization (Walgrave and Manssens, 2000). 2.2 Relationship between media and social movements Over the last decades, significant studies have been conducted on the coverage of protest events by mass media. Based mainly on content or discourse analyses, scholars tried to describe how media portrayed various protest events and explain why specific patterns were used in the coverage. However, the relevant literature is mostly based on USA and UK studies and it is something that we have to take into account as in diverse settings the results may be different. It is important to consider the differences of Greek setting in terms of the media system and the political culture, as well as the particularities of the case that is under examination. Firstly, in order to approach the issue of protest coverage, it is basic to examine the literature about the relationship between media and social movements, in general. Although the case that is under examination, namely the December 2008 protest events in Greece, cannot be simply included in typical cases of social movements (protests were not organized by specific social movement organizations with clear and specific agenda, like in cases of anti-war or labour protests), the examination of the relevant literature is considered helpful. Baylor (1996) has supported that media and social movements have interdependent relationship. That is to say, on the one hand social movements need media and publicity to communicate their goals, to inform and motivate the public, as well as to gain supporters (Baylor, 1996). On the other hand, media search for copy and they are interested about stories that provide drama, conflict, action, colourful copy and photo opportunities, (Baylor, 1996). Soc ial movements and the actions that they choose to adopt, like demonstrations, provide that kind of stories. However, it has been supported that this and this relationship can be sometimes symbiotic and other times antagonistic, because media and movements need each other, but for different reasons (Gitlin, 2003). Gitlins study (2003) demonstrated that this relationship has undergone many changes. Sometimes, media might ignore a movement or might conflict with it, and other times, they might present it in a patterned way, or even cooperate with it (Gitlin, 2003). Many factors explain why media treat social movements and protest events in a specific way and they are analyzed below. The interaction between movements and media has also been considered asymmetric, which means that the relationship is not equal and generally, media are much more powerful than movements (Gamson and Wolfsfeld, 1993). For instance, the fact that a demonstration without media coverage is considered non-event, reveals the great power and supremacy of media nowadays (Gamson andWolfsfeld, 1993). Social movements do not have the power to control the media process, so even if they gain media coverage, they do not have much power over how media will represent their agendas (Brasted, 2005). In many cases, media coverage can result in distortion of movement agendas and goals (Baylor, 1996). Generally, critical media scholars share the view that media tend to marginalize or trivialize critical social movements and suppress critical voices, while social movement organizations do not have the power to ensure useful news access (Gitlin, 2003). This approach to movement-media relationship is highly connected with hegemonic thesis, introduced by Gramsci (1971 cited in Carragee, 1993: 330), according to which dominant classes struggle to preserve their ideological hegemony within the capitalist system and medias role in the maintenance of legitimacy of existing political, social and economic order is considered of high importance. This thesis has affected media scholars significantly, and until now, there are studies that show that media tend to delegitimize voices that challenge capitalist system and the leadership of dominant groups. Media hegemonic model has met a lot of criticism. Carragee (1993) tried to evaluate the debates around the media hegemony thesis and gave an overview of the main critiques around the issue. According to him , the basic challenging views of the model can be divided into two categories; according to liberal-pluralist perspective, media hegemony thesis is cancelled by the existence of diverse and opposing discourses in news content; according to neo-conservative approach, the model is questioned by the fact that there are oppositional and critical to political and market order, media. Hallin (1986 and 1984 cited in Carragee, 1993: 341), tried to refute the latter argument, demonstrating that for instance, media coverage of Vietnam War started to become critical, only when political elites in America stopped to indicate their consent. Finally, as for media-movement relationship, Barker-Plummer (1996) claimed that today this relationship has become much more complex and proposed the dialogic model instead of hegemonic. According to Barker-Plummer (1996), social movements are dynamic and not stable identities and they are characterized by contextual changes that hegemony model does not take into account. Movements and media interact each other and their discourses can affect each other as well (Barker-Plummer, 1996). Therefore, we cannot assure that media will always marginalize social movements. 2.3 Protest coverage As has already been mentioned, media adopt certain frames, when they report news stories. The selection of specific frames and patterns of coverage is influenced by numerous factors. As far as the protest reporting is concerned, it has been supported that media coverage is subject to selection and description bias (Smith et al., 2001). This means that media do not cover all protests that take place but they select to report some of them, besides they select to describe the selected events in a specific way. According to Smith et al. (2001), media cover only a small proportion of protests. Furthermore, their study demonstrates that even if a protest event receives media attention, media usually neutralize or distort its agenda and goals (Smith, et al. 2001). A plenty of researchers (Shoemaker, 1984; Beamish, Molotch, and Flacks, 1995; Husting, 1999; McLeod and Hertog, 1999) have showed that media commonly choose to cover protests in ways that marginalize the events, their participants and their causes. Particularly in cases in which protesters deviate from the norms and values of society and challenge the status quo, media try to delegitimize them (Shoemaker, 1984; McLeod and Hertog, 1992). There are various devices and techniques that are used for the marginalization of protest events (see below). In order to understand how media bias affects the selection and portrayal of news stories, and specifically protest stories, we should examine the basic factors that influence media framing. Smith et al. (2001) have emphasized the role of institutional logic of media organizations in adoption of frames. Analytically, the routine nature of newsgathering (namely, whether the events can be integrated into media organizational routines) and the reliance on official sources affect media selection and description of events (Baylor, 1996). The main reason why they use official sources extensively is the fact that these sources provide news stories with credibility and legitimacy, as well enhance the objectivity of news, or at least they create this illusion (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Also, it has to do with issues of cost as well, because if media rely on sources that are considered credible, they do not need to invest much money for searching information (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). When of ficials, institutions, government, and other authorities like police are the dominant sources, then official definitions are highlighted (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). An idea that has influenced significantly the area of news production is the propaganda model, developed by Herman and Chomsky (1994), which has received hostile criticism, though. According to this model (Herman and Chomsky, 1994), the choice and the content of news are affected by a series of filters. Analytically, media ownership and their profit orientation, their close ties with political and economic elites, their dependence on advertising as a basic income source, as well as the heavy reliance of media on official sources influence what and how it will be reported (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). Herman and Chomsky (1994) paid particular attention to the role of money and power in the construction of news. In cases of protest coverage, these filters could play important role. Similarly, Smith et al (2001) have supported that media, as integral part of capitalist system, work in favour of powerful economic and political interests and they select and interpret the events in such a wa y as to reproduce ideas that support the broader power relationships of society. Accordingly, media are unlikely to cover sympathetically movements and protests that challenge the interests of the elites (Lee and Solomon, 1990). These ideas are highly connected with the hegemonic thesis that was described above. As far as the debates over Chomsky and Hermans ideas are concerned, Hallin (1994) has demonstrated that propaganda model contains failures. That is to say, according to him (Hallin, 1994), the model does not take into account other forces that could work in different direction from that of the described filters, for instance journalistic professionalism and objectivity. However, it is important to mention that according to Hallin and Mancini (2004), journalism in Greece is characterized by low levels of professionalization, besides it is common for Greek journalists to express their views and their comments along with the presentation of facts, and so it is difficult to discern their opinions from the facts. Additionally, propaganda model has been criticized for taking ruling class interests for granted and considering them homogenous (Knight cited in Klaehn, 2003: 363). This means, that media do not take diverse interests and conflicts, which might exist among elites, into consideration. In response to that, Herman and Chomsky (1988) have stated that media present elite controversy and debates, but only when elites disagree on specific tactics and not on fundamental ideas. Based on these ideas, the indication of literature (Boyle et al. 2004) that media are more likely to marginalize deviant protest groups that criticize the foundations of capitalism than groups with less radical goals seems rational. Other scholars have challenged propaganda model, claiming that media are pluralistic (Doyle, Elliot, and Tindall, 1997), while Hacket (1991 cited in Klaehn, 2003: 366) have demonstrated that media, under certain conditions, can express oppositional and different views. For instance, if a v iew challenges individual state policies and does not suggest significant and wide alternatives, then it can be expressed by the media (Hackett, 1991: 281 cited in Klaehn, 2003: 366). So, Hackett seems to agree with Chomsky and Herman on that media do not express discourses that challenge the fundamental principles of capitalism. Although Chomsky and Hermans ideas were an area of great debate among scholars, literature shows that a great number of media scholars share the opinion that media play a central role in the maintenance of social order. McFarlane and Hay (2003) have claimed that media act as gatekeepers and supporter of the existing power structures. According to McLeod and Hertog (1999), media, are important agents of social control and thus, they convey social control messages, through which they reinforce the norms and mainstream values of society while they isolate and damn deviant actions and viewpoints. Various studies (Entman and Rojecki, 1993; Smith et al. 2001) have demonstrated that media tend to marginalize groups, actions, and viewpoints that challenge and criticize the existing power structures and political and social order. As a result, media will ignore or they will unfavourably cover protests with goals and agendas that challenge and criticize the economic system on which media rely heavily, as well as ideas that can destabilize market and capitalist order (Smith et al. 2001). However, it is important to mention that nowadays there is a significant trend toward rising of protests and generally of unconventional forms of political engagement (Milne, 2005). This trend can be attributed to the fact that more and more citizens are questioning government policies and elites, as well as to the decrease of participation in ordinary forms of politics, like elections (Dalton, 2004) and to the decline of political attachment (Whiteley, 2003). So, it has been supported that protests have partly become an accepted form of political involvement (Milne, 2005). That might have some effects on media coverage of these events. Milne (2005) has supported that sometimes media, and specifically print media (due to fact that they have been facing problems of reduced circulation numbers and facing a strong competition from internet), can have a positive attitude towards these unconventional forms of political involvement. Additionally, according to Milne (2005), newspapers can u se social movements and protest events as a tool to undermine some politicians or political parties, and therefore they may cover them positively. For instance, a newspaper, which is affiliated with a party that is in opposition, might support a demonstration that challenges the government and its policies. Consequently, in these cases media seem to be pluralistic and not hegemonic. Yet, it is important to examine whether media cover positively groups that challenge fundamental principles of the capitalist system, or they just question specific policies and tactics. Generally, literature has demonstrated that media have never supported radical protest groups that called into question the capitalism itself. Finally, it is important to take into account the particularities of Greek media system, because they might influence the way that media cover events like demonstrations. According to Hallin and Mancini (2004), media system in Greece belongs to the Mediterranean or Polarized model. That is to say, it is characterized by high political parallelism and low professionalization (Hallin and Mancini, 2004). Papathanasopoulos (2001) has claimed that despite the commercialization and market-orientation of Greek media, (the majority of media are private-owned, apart from the public broadcaster, ERT), their political instrumentalization is still dominant, that is to say there are outside political actors that control them. However, he has highlighted that nowadays media owners are much more powerful than politicians are, using media as a tool for political profits (Papathanassopoulos, 2001). So, Greek media cannot be considered neutral, but on the contrary, unabashedly partisan, sensational an d political (Zaharopoulos and Paraschos, 1993: 96). 2.4 Marginalization techniques As has already been mentioned, in many cases literature shows that media tend to cover negatively and marginalize protest events. The devices and techniques, which are usually employed for that purpose are described analytically below. Tone of headlines and articles Firstly, through the tone of headlines and the nature of articles, journalist can express their support or criticism against a protest group (Boyle at al. 2004). A protest story is covered negatively, when headlines pay particular attention to violent actions, to conflicts between protesters and police, as well as to arrests (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Negative nature of a protest article can be indicated through many ways, for instance by focusing on cases of legal violations by the protest group and by emphasizing negative actions of protesters and more extreme aspects of them (McLeod and Hertog, 1992). According to Husting (1999), media commonly use the us versus them scenario in the coverage of radical protests. In other words, on the one side it is the society, the public opinion, all of us and on the other side the protesters, them. Furthermore, according to McLeod and Hertog (1999), journalists tend to use the episodic framing when they cover groups that deviate from the status quo, namely they focus on events and actions of protesters (e.g. violent acts, arrests, destructions) instead of presenting the issues raised by the group, like their agenda and their goals. The use of episodic frames contributes to the marginalization of protests because this way, protesters are performed just as acting and their acts are not linked with any cause, or any political context (Boyle et al. 2004: 49). It is important to mention that there are two important reasons that can explain why media choose that type of coverage. Firstly, because of pressure that deadlines and other limitations of media organization exert, there is not much time for reporters to investigate and analyze complicated issues that have to do with the goals of protesters and it is easier to focus on events (Boyle et al. 2004). Furthermore, protest events a nd actions are interesting and good news, for instance violent events and property destructions interest journalists significantly (Boyle et al. 2004). Story framing Mcleod and Hertog (1999) have identified several types of frames that tend to marginalize protest events and their participants. Firstly, the violent crime story is the most frequent frame and focuses on the violent acts of protesters. Journalists tend to highlight clashes between police and protesters and generally, they focus on the extreme aspects of the protest group; the ignorance of peaceful actions is also common phenomenon (McLeod, 1995). Secondly, the property crime story emphasizes the property destructions, for instances cases of vandalism (burning cars and buildings, breaking shop windows etc.). There is also the Riot frame that is quite similar to the above-mentioned frames and present protests as riots without any political context. An additional frame that marginalizes protests is the carnival frame, which represents protesters as performers within a spectacle who act without any political cause. Furthermore, the freak show frame focuses on appearance and other odd cha racteristics of protesters, like piercing, nudity etc. By making comments about the appearance, media manage to trivialize the goals and the political framework of protesters (Gitlin, 2003). There is also the Romper Room frame that presents protesters as engaging in immature and childish actions and the moral decay that presents protest events as an indication of the general decay of society. Lastly, the storm watch frame highlights the fact that protest groups may threaten the mainstream society significantly. What is interesting and at the same time contradictory is the fact that on the one hand, media seek to diminish the effectiveness of protest groups, but on the other hand, they exaggerate the threats that these groups may pose to society (McLeod, 1995). Reliance on official sources The reliance on official sources in the media coverage of protests contributes to the marginalization and delegitimization of the protest group, because official sources tend to support status quo and question the legitimacy of groups that challenge it (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Furthermore, when media cover radical protests, they are unlikely to use members of the protest group as sources (Boyle et al, 2004). In this case, they are interested in dealing with actions, violence, and conflicts in order to delegitimate them, while they want to ignore issues raised by protesters (Boyle et al. 2004: 50). However, even if protesters are used as sources, then journalists usually paraphrase and distort their views, in order to delegitimize them (McLeod and Hertog, 1999: 319). Invocation of public opinion In cases of protests coverage, media invoke public opinion extensively in order to isolate and marginalize protest groups (McLeod Hertog, 1992). Media depiction of public opinion can take many forms. Journalists can make generalizations by providing general statements about public opinion, and showing that people are against protesters; phrases such as the national mood or most people feel, are common (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999: 316). Another form of invocation of public opinion, but rarely used, is through opinion polls, (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999). It has been claimed that if opinion polls demonstrate that the majority of people agree with the goals of protesters, then media may ignore or marginalize them (Entman and Rojecki, 1993). Whats more, media commonly invoke social norms, in order to show that protest groups and their actions deviate from these norms (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999). The communication of norm violations is achieved by focusing on violent behaviour of protesters, on their non-conventional or strange appearance etc. (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Media may also focus on legal violations (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). That is to say, legal issues and violations are highlighted, and protesters are represented as criminals. Media can also invoke public opinion by using bystanders who are either indifferent to protests or hostile (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). The application of the above-mentioned techniques depends mainly on the type and the goals of protests (Boyle et al, 2004). For instance, the extent to which a protest group challenges the status quo and the existing system determines whether and to what degree media will apply the marginalization devices in their coverage (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). It has been claimed that anti-war protests are more likely to receive negative and radical coverage than the labour or police protests, because anti-war protests call into question the social system (Boyle et al. 2004). Finally, it is important to note an important contradiction. As has been mentioned above, media are based on official sources largely because the credibility and the status of those sources help journalist to be objective. The use of episodic framing can satisfy the same goal. That is to say, media report events and actions that indeed took place, without expressing their views, so they can support that they are objective. But, on the other hand, it has been demonstrated that framing in terms of events as well as adoption of official definitions contribute to the marginalization of protests, which means that finally media are not so objective. Summary In general, the main arguments about media coverage of protest events are highly connected with the hegemonic thesis that supports that media play an important role in the maintenance of status quo. Although this idea has received a lot of criticism, it has affected media studies to a significant extent. Several studies have demonstrated that media have a tendency to delegitimize and trivialize groups that challenge capitalist system and the leadership of dominant groups. In cases of protest events, literature showed that media tend to ignore them and generally cover a limited number of them, while even if a demonstration gain attention, media choose to describe it in negative way, trying to marginalize it. This is more common in cases of radical protests, namely when they have radical goals and agenda and challenge the foundations of capitalism. The marginalization is achieved with the employment of various devices and specific frames. Nevertheless, the findings of the specific study demonstrated that, under certain circumstances, media can use a variety of frames and not only the negative ones and generally be more balanced, even if they cover some radical demonstrations. Particularities in terms of the nature of protest events, specific elements of media system, as well as some political circumstances can have significant influence on media portrayal of protests.

Captial Punishment Essay -- essays research papers fc

Capital Punishment Capital punishment is the lawful infliction of the death penalty and since ancient times it has been used to punish a wide variety of offenses. The Bible prescribes death for murder and many other crimes such as kidnapping and witchcraft. Major felonies carry the death penalty and some of these felonies are treason, murder, larceny, burglary, rape, and arson. In the 1800's however, England enacted many new capital offenses, and hundreds of persons were being sentenced to death each year. In the United States prior to the Civil War the death penalty was imposed on slaves for many crimes, but the penalty for others were less severe. Today, in 37 of the 50 states you can be sentenced to death if found guilty of a crime worthy of the death penalty. The United States is the only western democratic nation that has not banned the practice of capital punishment (Levine 160). Capital punishment is not answer to crime. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote, "Darkness cannot drive out darkness; onl y light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that. Hate multiplies hate, violence multiplies violence, and toughness multiplies toughness in a descending spiral of destruction" (mccsc.edu). Due to lack of a fair trial, innocence on death row, and the myth that it saves citizens money, the death penalty should be abolished. The US constitution states, "In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense." The US system is very good about keeping this right for every accused criminal. Although, there are those lawyers who don't car e about the people they represent. There are lawyers who have passed the bar, and have taken the oath to honorably defend. However, because of their illegal and immoral actions they were disbarred. Lawyers like this should not defend the accused, but they do. This does not protect the right to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense. A major aspect of the death penalty is ... ... 1. Berns, Walter. For Capital Punishment. New York: Basic Books Inc, 1974. 2. Courtney, Bryan. "Fighting the Good Fight." The National Law Journal. 3 January 2000. 3. Daley, Suzanne. "Europeans Deplore Executions in US." New York Times 26 Feb. 2000. 4. Hood, Roger. The Death Penalty. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. 5. Ingle, Joseph. Last Rights. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990. 6. Jean, Loren. "In New Hampshire, another look at Death Penalty." Boston Globe 5 Mar. 2000. 7. LaBrie, Stephen. "1999 was a good year for Death Penalty." American Lawyer Media. 29 December 1999. 8. Levine, Herbert. Political Issues Debated. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993. 9. Mills, Steve and Armstrong, Ken. "A Tortured path to Death Row." Chicago Tribune 17 Nov. 1995. 10. Innocence and the Death Penalty: The Increasing Danger of Executing the Innocent. Washington, DC. 1 Apr. 2000 11. MLK Speeches. Atlanta, Georgia. 25 July 2000. http://www.mccsc.edu/ ~bhsntech/speeches.html 12. Amnesty International: Program to Abolish Death Penalty. 13. Armstrong, Ken and Steve Mills. "Inept defense Clouds Verdict." Chicago Tribune. 15 November 1999.

Response to Bell Hooks Keeping Close to Home :: Family Values College

Strong Family Values In Bell Hooks’s essay, "Keeping Close to Home," she suggests that the American educational system forces students to hide, change, or mask the values that they have when they first enter college. While this might be true for some students, this line of thinking does not hold true for me personally. I do not agree with her assertion for, and I have not changed since entering the University of Georgia. The University of Georgia has not placed any pressure on me to change my values due to the fact that I had very strong values when I entered the University, and those same values hold true to me today. The values that I learned from my parents as an infant, child, adolescent, and, most recently, as an adult, are continually enforced and taught to me today. It is because of this strong family support that I have stayed the same as I was before entering college. My family has always preached strong family values that will be with me for the rest of my life, and will be passed on to my children and grandchildren. Some of the family values that I have learned from my family are to always respect my elders and to have good manners no matter what. I believe that values are taught and learned at an early age. If the teaching is successful, as it was in my case, the student should hold true to the values that he or she was raised with. Everybody is raised with different values, whether the difference is religious, moral, or social, and they should all be respected by others. I will not change or alter my values because they are very important to both my family and me, and I firmly believe in them. There are many different types of people on the University of Georgia campus, whether they come from the same or different background than I. There are people of different skin color, religion, ethnicity, and many other different backgrounds. Therefore, there are also many different beliefs in faith and values. At an institution of higher learning, such as the University of Georgia, there is respect for and interest in other people’s beliefs. There is never a push to "change" someone. Some students might alter their beliefs and values, but as for myself I will learn of others, but never change.

Thomas Jefferson Essay example -- essays research papers fc

Thomas Jefferson   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Table of Contents   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Page I.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Early Life and Childhood  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  1 II  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Through Collage and Into the world  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  2 III  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Revolutionary Politics  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  3 IV  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Pre-Presidential Posts and Accomplishments  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  4 V  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Presidency and post presidency  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  5 VI  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Picture  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  6 VII  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Works Cited  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  7   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Thomas Jefferson   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I. Early life and childhood A simple log cabin located in now what is commonly known as Albemarle County, Virginia, was the birthplace of Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States of America. He was born on April 13, 1743 to Peter and Jane Randolph Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson was borne into what we might define today as an upper middle class. His mother, Jane Randolph, came from one of the leading families of Virginia and his father Peter Jefferson, although not considered poor, was considerably less well off than his wife. (Malone 1)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  When Thomas was only two years old he and his family, which now consisted of three Sisters, himself and his mother moved to a new house called Tuckahoe. His father provided for his family by working as a planter owning more than 200 slaves but as his children grew he expanded and moved further from raising tobacco and made a name for himself by eventually becoming a well known surveyor and getting the popular reputation as a conqueror of the Virginian wilderness. (Malone 22)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  When Tom was nine he and his family moved back to the home of his birth where his father died five years later. Tom spent the rest of his childhood as a typical Virginian boy would. He developed a not overwhelming yet real affection for the out doors as any boy would. He attended the Latin School of the Reverend William Douglas who was the min... ...term he won the election by a complete landslide winning every state with the exception of Connecticut and Delaware. He commissioned the Lewis and Clark Expedition, arrested Aaron Burr for engaging in a conspiracy to try and establish Louisiana as an independent Republic, and ended the Tripolitan war, which was the first fighting ever done by the American Navy. As he continued to lead the country in these new times of suffering and change he continued to fight to reform many of the country’s faults e.g. tax supported elementary system.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jefferson lived 17 years after his second term. In which time he founded the University of Virginia in Charlottesville. He died on the 50th anniversary of the signing of his very own Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1826 at his home in Monticello. http://www.monticello.org/jefferson/biography.html   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  VI. Picture VII. Works cited Malone, Dumas. Jefferson the Virginian. New York: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1948 Thomas Jefferson. [online] Nov 28, 2004 A brief Biography of Thomas Jefferson. [online] Nov 30, 2004

Nursery school Essay

The range of provision which is available for parents to access for their children are: Pre- schools Day nurseries Children and family centres These are to be found in the private, voluntary or independent sector. The purpose of the early year’s sector is to care for and educate children and the these settings provide for babies and children which are put into a day nursery for parents/careers to go back to work. Children are put into sessional settings for social and educational purposes or a combination of care and education purposes. ‘Families requirements for their children vary some parents want care for their children so that they can return to work, some parents want to stay with their children while they socialise, some parents want their children in setting which offer services aimed at learning, some parents want their children to be in a home based environment and some families cannot afford to pay fees for provision.’ (http://www.silkysteps.com/forum/showthread.php?t=13241&highlight=scope) Because of this the early year’s sector provide many types of provisions to meet the needs of families. Other provisions include: Nurseries Childminders Pre-schools Crà ¨ches Parent and toddler groups Children centres EYMP 4 Task 3 The effective provision of pre-school education (EPPE) project is the first major European longitudinal study of a national sample of young children’s  development (intellectual and social/behavioural) between the ages of three and seven years. To investigate the effects of pre-school education for three- and four-year-olds, the EPPE team collected a wide range of information on more than 3000 children, their parents, their home environments and the pre-school settings they attended. (http://www.education.gov.uk/childrenandyoungpeople/earlylearningandchildcare/evidence/a0068162/effective-provision-of-pre-school-education-eppe) It has impacted on childcare provision as the research the EPPE team did showed that pre-school education helps the development of children socially, intellectually and behaviourally which would encourage more parents to put their child into pre-school provisions. The ‘Learning Report 2009’ Task 4 The potential effects of discrimination include isolation, possible exclusion, demoralisation, and where self-esteem, confidence and resilience can be potentially damaged . Types of discrimination are: Gender Age Disability Sexuality Race Culture Religion Poverty Education Personal features Not having English as first language Discrimination against any child no matter what their needs can make them feel isolated and different to other children. Very often children with special needs have a pretty difficult time trying to fit in with other  children especially if they are in a mainstream school. ‘All children can be very unintentionally cruel to one another and should be helped to understand that everyone is different and how this is good.’. (http://www.silkysteps.com/forum/showthread.php?t=5454) An example: In the setting I work all the staff and me promote inclusion and we treat everyone the same. In my placement the setting promote equal opportunity and every staff member respect all the children and their families. They help children with language needs where English is not their first language which helps to ensure they can settle and adapt to the setting. Example (reading and singing in their language, books and talking with parents to find words we can use) Task 5.

Iron Crowned Chapter 16

Kiyo asked no questions when I called Enrique back and told him I'd be out of town and out of contact for a while – but that I trusted him to carry on. Really, Kiyo said little at all as we hurried back to my house. Within minutes, I had a small satchel packed, and then we were off to the Otherworldly crossing. No matter what ups and downs had occurred in our relationship, he knew me well. He knew I had to act on this immediately. The questions began once I reached my castle. â€Å"How the hell,† I began, â€Å"did this happen?† I was in one of the receiving rooms, Kiyo by my side as I stared down Shaya and some of the soldiers who manned the grounds. Rurik was with them, which gave me mixed feelings. I was glad he was back from Dorian's. I trusted him more than any other military guy around here. That being said, there was a petty part of me that held him responsible. How could someone as capable as him have let this happen? He grimaced, as though guessing my thoughts. â€Å"A small group sneaked onto our grounds, overpowered her guards †¦ and took her.† He hesitated. â€Å"She only had two with her, Your Majesty. As you'll recall, her escort was lightened. Still. There is no excuse.† I hadn't witnessed this kind of diplomacy and respect from Rurik since †¦ well, actually, I'd never really witnessed it. With Dorian? Yes. Not with me. Jasmine's abduction had really gotten to Rurik, no question. I was pretty sure he was taking it personally. But I'd also caught the slight meaning in his carefully worded comment about her lightened guard. That had been my call. I had done it in response to her good behavior and had let her outside more. I'd known it was a potential security risk – but not one that involved her leaving against her will. â€Å"We're at war,† I said. â€Å"Regardless of her guard, this whole place should have been under lock-down.† He nodded, face growing grimmer. â€Å"As I said, there's no excuse. I take full responsibility.† I waved a hand dismissively. â€Å"It's too late now. I know you're doing your job. Don't lay yourself out for the slaughter. Volusian said there was a note?† Shaya handed me a piece of rolled parchment. Kiyo leaned over my shoulder as I read it silently to myself: To Eugenie, Usurper Queen of the Thorn Land, Daughter of Tirigan Stormi, King: As you no doubt know by now, I have your sister within my custody. If you wish her returned to you alive, you and the Oak King will surrender unconditionally to me. You will cease hostilities immediately, withdraw your armies, and cede your lands. Additionally, you will turn over the alleged Iron Crown to me. If you do not comply with these terms, your sister will be executed at noon, three days from the receipt of this letter. For now, she is alive, and I have given her into the keeping of my nephew Cassius. I await your response. Sincerely, Katrice, Queen of the Rowan Land, Beloved of the Gods I looked up at the many watching eyes. â€Å"‘Given her into the keeping of my nephew Cassius.' Does that mean what I think it does?† Shaya grimaced. â€Å"That is the nephew she wanted you to marry.† â€Å"Why execute Jasmine then?† I demanded. â€Å"Why not marry her off to Cassius? Isn't that a waste of one of Storm King's daughters?† â€Å"Katrice hates you,† said Kiyo softly. â€Å"At this point, she probably doesn't even care about the prophecy. She wants to get back at you, hurt you, and if that means killing Jasmine, then it's probably an acceptable loss – especially if she tries to then give you to Cassius after this ‘surrender.'† â€Å"So I'd get to live?† Kiyo shrugged. â€Å"Longer suffering.† â€Å"Why choose her as a hostage though?† I didn't know why I was arguing the logic here. None of it mattered. Only the outcome did. â€Å"Everyone knows we don't get along.† â€Å"Everyone also probably knows that's been changing a little,† said Kiyo. â€Å"You brought her to Dorian's.† â€Å"And,† added Shaya, â€Å"a royal family member usually makes the best hostage in these situations.† These situations. For a moment, I nearly swayed on my feet, wanting to close my eyes and pass out. It had nothing to do with the heat. It was this. All of this. This situation always repeating itself. Me and Jasmine, cursed by our blood, always to be used and captured as possessions in a greater game. I'd hated Aeson, but at least he'd lured Jasmine into some pretense of love before taking advantage of her. But what about this Cassius? He'd make no attempts at kindness. This was all about punishment and revenge, after all. Had he already raped Jasmine? Was he doing it now? A sickening memory of Leith came to mind, one sharp and clear in spite of the drugged state I'd been in during my ordeal with him. Moments later, it was replaced by an image of this faceless Cassius lowering himself over a cowering Jasmine†¦. I pushed my weakness aside, steadying myself and bringing the world back into focus. I turned to Rurik. â€Å"How far are our armies spread out? How soon could we get them together and march on her? I want to raze that bitch's lands and burn her castle to the ground! I want to have the fucking wrath of heaven rain down on her and – â€Å" I cut myself off, as startled at my words as the others were. Where had that rage come from? Well, the situation, obviously. I wouldn't want anyone thrown to Katrice's nephew before facing execution. But it occurred to me in that moment that my reaction was also †¦ personal. Somewhere, in the ups and downs of our dysfunctional family, I'd come to care about Jasmine. My anger came from the loss of her. â€Å"Easy, Eug,† said Kiyo, resting a hand on my arm. There was a nervous note in his voice, mirrored by the others' expressions. I'd once been told that when I was angry, I resembled my father. I took a deep breath and pushed back any further outbursts. â€Å"Leading a massive army in – while deserved – wouldn't be †¦Ã¢â‚¬  Rurik was still treading lightly, still choosing words carefully. â€Å"Well, Katrice was already in wartime mode, heavily guarded. After this? The lands outside her home probably have triple the guard they did before.† â€Å"But if our force was large enough †¦Ã¢â‚¬  I began. Rurik nodded. â€Å"True. It's possible. Especially if †¦ especially if my lord Dorian's armies were involved.† He looked uneasy at mentioning Dorian, but I could see a considering look on Rurik's face. I had a feeling we shared the same puzzle. Would Dorian lend forces to help me? Possibly not, not if his anger overrode any devotion to me. On the other hand, Dorian was still in this war, and I knew him well enough to think he might welcome a full-out march on her castle. Rurik knew that too. â€Å"With his forces, it's possible,† Rurik said at last. â€Å"But Katrice's would be defending. It would be bloody. It would be ugly.† He didn't sound opposed to that, per se. He was a military man; ugly battles were the way of the world. But we all knew that wasn't ideal. My mind spun. Part of me wanted that large force to beat on Katrice because I thought she deserved it. This was about more than revenge, however. It was about Jasmine. I needed to go with the plan most likely to get her back, and an invading army wasn't it. It would take a smaller group, just as she'd no doubt sent here, one that could slip in. We were heavily guarded, but with the assorted petitioners and refugees always coming and going, it was no wonder Jasmine's kidnappers had slipped in. Katrice undoubtedly had a similar stream of people coming to her in these times, but she'd probably be on high alert with them too. â€Å"Imanuelle,† I said, realizing too many moments of silence had passed. â€Å"Can you get me Imanuelle?† It was this, finally, that took the group's eyes off me – because they all exchanged astonished looks. Kiyo's face grew troubled. â€Å"That's your plan?† Kiyo asked. â€Å"Assassinate Katrice? Eugenie, you're better than that.† He'd apparently heard of Imanuelle. â€Å"I am,† I agreed. â€Å"And smarter. Get her for me.† That was to Shaya, who nodded and then shot a look at a hovering servant. He gave a hasty bob of his head and darted out of the room. â€Å"Ready to repeat history?† I asked Kiyo. â€Å"It'll be like raiding Aeson's all over again.† â€Å"You're going †¦ No. Eugenie, you can't go there.† I gestured to Rurik and began moving for the exit. â€Å"You heard him. We can't get in with a large force – not easily.† â€Å"Yes, I get that,† said Kiyo, following after me. â€Å"But you can't go.† â€Å"I have to go,† I countered. Rurik had hurried along after us. â€Å"He's right. Send someone else. I'll go. We'll sneak in and take her.† I came to an abrupt halt, nearly causing both men to run into me. â€Å"I'm going. This is my responsibility. Besides, who else around here can match me magically?† I peered back and forth between their faces, daring them to challenge me. â€Å"Even so,† said Rurik, â€Å"if you're discovered, you'll be outnumbered. And you're an enemy queen. In wartime. Walking right into your enemy's stronghold. I can't allow this.† â€Å"It's not your place to allow me to do anything!† I snapped. â€Å"Or you either.† I turned to Kiyo for that, guessing his words. â€Å"We won't be discovered. Not if Imanuelle's as good as she claims.† I was so tired of men telling me what I could and couldn't do. I left them and stalked off down the hallway toward my bedroom. Neither followed me right away, but I just barely heard Rurik mutter to Kiyo, â€Å"Well, if she's caught, she will get a massive army descending on Katrice, at least. My lord Dorian wouldn't permit anything less.† The flaw in my plan, as it turned out, was waiting on Imanuelle. After our last meeting, she'd left my kingdom, and finding her wasn't easy. You couldn't just openly summon a famed assassin. Girard was at my court, however, and apparently had secret ways of sending messages to his sister. I didn't ask any questions about his means, so long as she showed up. Waiting for her gave us time to plan strategy. Once my advisors grudgingly accepted that I'd be going personally – and once Rurik accepted that he would not be accompanying me – they fell in line to pool their knowledge about Katrice's castle. I'd joked earlier to Kiyo about this being like our break-in to Aeson's †¦ but really, it was true. This time, we had no guide personally to take us in. We had to rely on anecdotal knowledge from those who had been there and could make best guesses at where Jasmine might be held. And that was presuming Katrice was actually keeping her on-hand. Perhaps the most surprising part of all of this was Kiyo's acquiescence. I'd expected protests about my safety or perhaps a diplomatic solution. But, no. He realized the importance of saving Jasmine. And he too knew this was probably our best shot – at least on such short notice. â€Å"You should know,† Rurik told us later, â€Å"that you aren't going to be able to bring Volusian.† He, Kiyo, Shaya, and I were in my bedroom, which I'd made my makeshift war headquarters. â€Å"Why not?† I asked. That was a surprise. I'd been counting on his muscle, something I had to admit I'd missed while fighting for the crown. What was the point of an undead minion if I couldn't put him to good use? â€Å"He can go in with us invisibly.† Rurik shook his head. â€Å"Everyone knows about him. Katrice does. She'll have people on-hand who can sense him. She'll also probably have those with the power to banish him. Enough of them united together could.† â€Å"You have a lot of faith in her,† I noted dryly. Volusian was hard to banish – I couldn't do it – but Rurik had a point. Get enough magic-users together, and they could eventually pull it off. He gave me a twisted smile. â€Å"She's not stupid. And she has advisors. Not as good as yours, of course, but they would have thought everything over before kidnapping Jasmine.† A knock on the door interrupted any response I might have made, and after I called entry, a servant showed Imanuelle in. â€Å"Finally,† I said. She swept in, clad in billowing red silk pants and a matching, midriff-showing top. The assassin arched an eyebrow and gave me an amused look as she put her hands on her hips. â€Å"I don't wait around on your every command, Thorn Queen. And last time we spoke, you made it pretty clear, you didn't want me around. Have you finally come to your senses? From what I hear, now's a pretty good time to get rid of Katrice.† Imanuelle paused carefully. â€Å"Although, getting rid of her before now would have been even better. Would have saved you and your sister a lot of trouble.† I bit off any snide remarks. â€Å"We can't have Katrice killed. I'm pretty sure the instant her people found her dead, Jasmine would be next. I need you to sneak in and get Jasmine out of there.† Imanuelle's cocky smile dropped. â€Å"That's not what I do. I kill. I don't rescue.† â€Å"I'll do the rescuing. You need to get me and Kiyo in. Disguise us with this so-called power you keep bragging about. Or is masking more than one person out of your skill-set?† â€Å"I can do it,† she said, narrowing her eyes. â€Å"But it'll cost you.† â€Å"We can afford it,† I said, trying to ignore the pained look crossing Shaya's face as she no doubt added up mental ledgers. Imanuelle said nothing for several moments as she pondered it all. â€Å"Just you two?† â€Å"Yes. And you, of course,† I added. â€Å"Do you have any idea where you're going in there?† she asked. Kiyo and I exchanged looks. â€Å"Kind of,† I said. â€Å"Kind of.† Imanuelle snorted. â€Å"Fine. I'll do it. But I'm only there to disguise you. I'm not fighting if you get caught.† â€Å"You don't have to,† I assured her. â€Å"We'll protect you.† This brought another scoff and a haughty curl of her lip. â€Å"If they detect us, I can get myself out of there, believe me. You'll be on your own.†

Derailed – Creative Writing

It had rained the night before, and mist was creeping in, like a soft blanket of cold steam. It was silent. The grim reaper was waiting silently for blood. Not even the birds dare tweet. The reaper lifts his hefty but swift scythe. Just as he is about to drop it†¦ â€Å"Don't you worry love, you're only dreaming again.† Margaret slides out of bed and plods off to fetch a glass of water for Daniel. She stared through the windowpane, and out of the four walls that she and Daniel call home. It was cold and wet, perfect weather for Ducks though. It had rained the night before, and mist was creeping in, like a soft blanket of cold steam. Maggie (as she likes to be called), twisted the cold steel, and a cold transparent liquid flowed out, making a racket as it hit the bottom of the sink. After filling her glass, she shut off the flow of water, and turned sharply around. Just as she did so, she nearly had the shock of her life. In front of her was a hairy ape, stamping towards her with half-closed eyes!! Maggie then put her arms around this beast, and told him to drink the glass of water and to get a bath. Maggie then turned on the TV and was pleased to see that her favourite quiz show was due on in about 15 minutes. Daniel smiled and turned to face the towering stairs. He started to climb the stairs. He reached the landing and for some unknown reason decided to turn around and stare out of the window. He stopped tipped his head to one side and thought about something for a second, said a brief de-ja-vous and carried on with his quest which was to have a bath. Daniel reached the bathroom and started to run a bath. After a brief shave, his bath was ready to dive in to. He dived in and while washing himself, (and doing other bathroom activities) he thought about the day ahead. First activitie of the day was to pack some clothes as he had train journey to deal with and then he would†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ Oh, I am so sorry, how can I write a story without describing the main character, and his family to you first. Daniel is a 36-year-old entrepreneur , who, at the age of twenty-two, decided to start his own business , making computer components. He had a bad turn at the age of twenty-six and nearly went bankrupt due to a downfall in the price of shares in the computer components. Now he is doing fine (nearly a millionaire) and him and his wife are very happy and content. He is 5ft 6in and has a distinctive chubby look about him. Daniel has a warm chubby face and sparkling hazel-brown eyes. Handsome for a 36 year old, the females might say. Mggi4e was Daniels sectary until 10 years ago, when they got engaged. Unfortunately, however, she fell on a slippery supermarket floor and nearly broke her neck. She can walk but excessive movement could severely injure her. Maggie is just over 5ft 4in and quite thin. She used to have a wide stature and used to be slightly overweight. She lost this weight due to a strict diet and living regime. Her blonde curly locks hang over her shoulders and are complemented by her warm blue eyes. Anyway, continuing on with what the day held for him:- After his morning shift, Daniel was to call a workers meeting, to outline his plans and to hand out raises, awards ect. Daniel then had the rest of the day off so that he could sleep to prepare to travel down to London to visit his old mate Joe. He would travel by train, which it cheep an if on time quicker than car. It cost a tidy forty pounds and would take 3 hours (from Durham). Not bad and especially for Dan as he would travel by first class. This meant that could enjoy his journey and have drinks, food etc as well. Monday morning (12th May) A shrill ringing woke Dan a 6am. He was staying for two days and started packing accordingly. He didn't take much as he only needed clothes and deodorant to take with him. He had a few get-well cards from friends, by these didn't way much and weren't at all bulky. He then had his break fast and wash etc. Daniel kissed Margaret good by, opened the front door and his garage. A gentle breeze came out of nowhere and I take away card fluttered past and landed at the front of Daniel's short drive. He dawdled over and picked it up. He looked at it and saw nothing unusual other than a line saying 21:00 no 1365. Dan though nothing of it, only a bit of scrap paper, and got in his car. As he turned the ignition key and placed his luggage in the passenger seat, he felt a weird buttelfy feeling in his stomach. This was odd. Since dan had not exercised properly, he didn't have any problems. A thought raced across the vast screen of his mind. It might be a stomach ulcer. His had a history of them, but Daniel had been lucky for the past sixteen years. The thought diminished and he reversed his car and carried on. It was only a twenty-minute journey and it passed away quickly and with no problems. The car pulled up at the car park and slowly screeched to a halt. Daniel slid out, paid his two pay and display charge and jumped back in his car. He then practiced the difficult not so accent art of parking and slowly got out. The station was normal. The hustle and bustle of every day lime. Many of the passengers are businessmen and women probably going to work. Dan glanced at his watch, which said 8:30 am. There was time for a coffee. Just as he turned around to head for the cafà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½, a high-pitched squeal dived out of the speakers and into the maze that was Dan's ears. The squealing halted and the tannoy sounded. â€Å"Could all passengers for the train number 1365 Durham to London please listen. The train will not be here at 21:00 as scheduled but will be delayed for about 15 minutes. These delays are due uncontrollable circumstances. Thank you†. Daniel sighed, as this was his train. All of a sudden, his spine tingled and he sensed a feeling of de-ja-vous. He had 2100 no 1365 on a piece of paper. He could not remember when or where but he knew he had seen it. Dan turned back towards the cafà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ and walked towards it. Unusually, he felt he was being watched. He strained his neck to glance over his shoulder when a small hand touched his shoulder. Dan jumped and turned sharply around. â€Å"How are you Dan†. It was Joann; Daniel's secretary from work. Dan replied with a mumbled, â€Å"I'm alright â€Å". Joanne sensed that something was wrong, but thought it best not to ask what. She walked on and faded into the crowd. Dan turned towards the cafà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ and strolled along towards it with his small luggage, slung over his shoulder. He finally reached his destination and opened the door. Swinging his bag from his shoulder, he sat down. His arse landed on the soft, warm seat (probably warmed by some clean dude who farted constantly) and Dan started to relax. He had hardly been there for a few seconds when an attractive young waiter approached Daniel. She was about 5ft tall and had long locks of curly hair Dangling from her head and down onto her peninsular-like shoulders. She was thin but obviously liked working out, as I could tell from the clear lines on her long arms. Her hands were small and boney, but were terribly scared. The waiter spoke with a small but kind voice. â€Å"Would you like anything sir†, she squeaked. After a few seconds of deliberation, Daniel replied, â€Å"A black coffee please love†. Rachel (it said on her nametag) then chirped â€Å"Be with you in a minute sir†, and then scarpered off to prepare a coffee for Daniel. Just as she said, she returned in less than two minutes with a black coffee, hot and steaming, in a large mug. Daniel sprinkled two sachets of sugar into his mug, and then sipped. He looked around the area where he sat, and sniffed the polluted air. The cafà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ was small, with the tables in rows of four. The tables had four chairs each and bottles of sauce and condiment sets sat proudly in the middle on top of a tablecloth. The cloth was opulent and excreted a clean, lemon fresh odour that made you think of spring. The cafà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ was quite eventful and obviously made a good, if not excellent turnover. Daniel finished his coffee and dawdled up to the till to pay. He paid and on his way out, placed a tip of à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½5 in the hand of the waiter. â€Å"Thanks love. Here, have this as a token of my appreciation for good service.† The waiter thanked Daniel and he continued on. All of a sudden the tannoy sounded, following that same annoying squeal. â€Å"Would all passengers for the no 1365 train please make their way to platform four. We are terribly sorry for the delay. Thank you.† Daniel grabbed his bags, and jogged straight up to platform four. To everyone's bewilderment four police officers, accompanied by four dogs and an armed swat team were standing by the train, carefully looking at everyone suspiciously. The officers and dogs then started to weave in and between passengers, as though they were sniffing for drugs and other illegal objects. The dog came up to Daniel, sniffed his bags and then barked viciously at Daniel. Two officers immediately sprinted over and searched ferociously through his bags. Sure enough, there were drugs in Daniels bag, but they were legal and prescribed by Dan's doctor. The police officers apologised, helped Daniel to fill his bag, and the toddled over to their positions. The next obstruction was a portable metal detector. Everyone was strolling through it, speculating at what caused this annoying chaos. Dan strolled through it, just as everyone had, and then boarded the train. He got on the train, and stared down the aisle. He glimpsed the door to the first class lounge, and wandered down towards it. The first class lounge was spacious and well ventilated. The buffet counter was in the next carriage to the first class and smelt of common aromas such as pie and chips. The carriage had a slight stench of chip fat and an eerie glimmer of flickering light shed out of the broken bar light. Stepping back into the first class lounge, he looked at his ticket and observed the seat number 321. Daniel walked down the first class lounge, selected his seat and sat on it. He was tired and immediately fell asleep, never to wake again. The train was derailed and no one knows why. The press speculate about why the train was derailed and why there were armed guards at the station. The police won't let on either.